By Nway / MPA (Article)
“We feel unsafe when going outside with a phone. I live in constant fear, not knowing when my phone might be checked,” said Ko Aung Aung (name changed), a 23-year-old resident of Yangon.
His statement reflects the growing concerns among the city’s residents.
According to data collected by Data for Myanmar from February 2022 to October 2024, 1,840 individuals were arrested in the three years following the military coup for activities on social media. These activities included criticizing the military junta, supporting public movements, and expressing solidarity with revolutionary organizations through writing, speeches, and other forms of communication.
On January 25, 2022, the military junta announced that it would take action against individuals spreading propaganda or making threats on social media. Arrests began the following month, in February 2022.
On average, approximately 56 online users were arrested each month, with arrests being more frequent in 2022 and 2023. However, the number of arrests decreased in 2024. An official from Data for Myanmar explained, “In 2022, the volume of social media posts criticizing the military junta and supporting public movements and revolutionary organizations was at its peak, which explains the higher number of arrests during that year.”
Between February 2022 and October 2024, individuals from 223 townships across the country were arrested, with the Yangon and Mandalay Regions recording the highest numbers of cases.
The majority of those arrested were targeted for their posts on Facebook, while others were detained for content shared on platforms like TikTok, Telegram, and Viber.
An online user who frequently shares posts related to the revolution said, “Arrests sometimes happen because someone—whether a friend or someone connected to your account—reports you. As for me, I usually delete my posts within a few hours after posting.”
Since the military coup in 2021, the junta has intensified efforts to control social media and online platforms, which are vital for public movements and the dissemination of information. These efforts include internet shutdowns, blocking widely used platforms like Facebook, and arresting individuals for using VPNs to bypass restrictions.
Ko Aung Aung said, “There is no sense of security. Wherever I go, I have to delete or hide the apps I use, constantly worrying about what might happen. Even then, while my phone was being checked, pages related to the revolution appeared, and I had to make excuses to explain them.”
The junta appears to closely monitor online activities and frequently conducts phone checks at security and inspection gates, which often lead to arrests.
Ko Pyae Sone (name changed) stated that inspections are particularly frequent at checkpoints in busy areas of Yangon, where individuals not only have their phones checked but men are also required to remove their shirts to check for tattoos.
He recounted, “At that time, I didn’t want to deal with further trouble, so I ended up paying 250,000 kyats. It happened at a checkpoint near the central station where you can see Sule Pagoda. Nowadays, at inspection points, people who look like militias, informants, and even drug users are stationed. Because of this, no young person can get through without being stopped.”
Daw Ohm Mar (name changed), a 45-year-old resident of Mandalay, shared that during occasional guest list inspections conducted by ward authorities, phones are also checked, often leading to arrests under various pretexts.
She explained, “At night, I listen closely to sounds outside, fearing guest list inspections. Sometimes, I get so startled that I quickly hide my phone. In the morning, managing my phones feels like a full-time job. Why? Because I have two phones—one of them contains content related to the revolution, which makes me even more afraid.”
The military junta has announced that individuals arrested for their online activities could be prosecuted under various laws, including Section 52(a) of the Counter-Terrorism Law, Sections 124(a) and 505(a) of the Penal Code, Section 33 of the Electronic Communications Law, and other existing legal provisions.
Under the Counter-Terrorism Law, Sections 50(a) to (h) stipulate penalties ranging from a minimum of 10 years to life imprisonment. Meanwhile, Sections 52(a), (b), and (c) impose prison terms of at least three years and up to seven years.
A lawyer from Magway Region, who requested anonymity, explained, “Under these laws, everyone in Myanmar is essentially entangled with the legal system. Section 42(a) to (c) of the Counter-Terrorism Law states that if a person has reason to believe—or even suspects—that someone is a member of the PDF or a supporter, and fails to report it to the authorities, they can be charged with supporting terrorism.”
Section 124(a) of the Penal Code, originally enacted during British colonial rule and later amended, carries a prison sentence of no less than three years and no more than ten years. Following the military coup, the penalty under Section 505(a) was revised to a maximum of three years’ imprisonment. Additionally, under Section 33(a) of the Electronic Communications Law, individuals can face imprisonment of seven to fifteen years if convicted.
A CDM (Civil Disobedience Movement) judge commented, “The amendments to these sections and the introduction of new laws after the coup aim to legitimize arrests as being in accordance with the law. This clearly shows that the junta does not want the public to engage in politics.”
Despite these legal provisions, many individuals arrested by authorities are not formally prosecuted but instead face extrajudicial killings or disappear without a trace.
The lawyer from Magway Region further noted, “For a single case, individuals are often charged under multiple sections of the law. Some face the death penalty, indefinite prison terms, or additional years of imprisonment. In some cases, substantial payments can resolve matters early, and sentences are avoided. However, the judicial system today is nothing more than a facade, and corruption is deeply entrenched, even in non-political cases.”
The junta’s arrests of individuals for writing or commenting against the regime on social media demonstrate their strategy of manipulating and amending laws at will to maintain their grip on power.
Even in democratic countries, laws are often enacted with the aim of preserving authority. Therefore, this practice is unsurprising in authoritarian regimes. However, the legal community argues that laws should be based on justice for the public. Instead, those seeking to retain power weaponize laws to suppress and detain anyone whose actions or criticisms they perceive as a threat.
An anonymous lawyer explained, “They rule by wielding both weapons and laws, using them interchangeably to maintain control. When their authority is challenged, they respond either with force or with the laws they have created. No authoritarian regime respects international laws or human rights—they neither follow them nor value them. As a lawyer, it is a shameful time to talk about the rule of law.”
While the military junta continues to enforce arrests, their influence has diminished in regions controlled by revolutionary forces, where their laws hold little to no effect.
According to Data for Myanmar, over the past two years, fewer than 40 individuals were arrested for criticizing or commenting against the junta on social media in Kachin, Karenni, Chin, Rakhine States, and Eastern Shan State. In regions like Northern and Southern Shan State, Mon State, Sagaing Region, Tanintharyi Region, Western Bago Region, and Naypyidaw, the number of arrests ranged between 40 and 100 individuals.
A representative from Data for Myanmar advised, “Online users living in areas under junta control should use the internet cautiously to safeguard their personal information. Before traveling, it is important to carefully prepare measures to secure personal data and ensure safety.”
According to Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression, including the freedom to seek, receive, and share information. However, in Myanmar, under the grip of military dictatorship, the realization of these rights remains a distant dream.